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The relationship between Iran and Africa has had a long history including various aspects specially cultural issues. Their relationship, despite its ups and downs, has continued to work. The cultural relationship between the two countries has undergone many changes. These transformations have occurred both in Iran, Africa as well as the whole world. This study intends to examine and evaluate this era and the nature of these relations before and after Islamic revolution in Iran. The main question raised in this regard is that considering the good historical back ground, what has been the orientation of Iran's foreign policy in these periods? Studies point out that the relations between Iran and African countries affected by domestic or international approaches have had ups and downs. Apparently, during Pahlavi's regime, in spite of some measures taken to establish relations with African countries, these relations didn't have coherent policy and the relations with the North African countries has had more priorities over relations with sub-Saharan countries. Moreover, Iran’s relations with some countries such as the Apartheid government, or its military and financial support for some governments have provoked skepticism towards Iran among the other African countries, and has led to the cut off of the relations with Iran. However, victory of the revolution in Iran created a new development in relations with Africa, and considering  the approaches and goals of this revolution, relations with Africa has been placed in the highest foreign policies of IRI. Although, even in this age, these relationships have  gone under lots of  ups and downs  at the time of the ruling of    various governments in IRI.
 

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Keywords: Revolutionary Situation, Power-oriented explanation, General pattern, Theoretical perspectives, Types of explanation . In this Article, in order to offer a pattern of political (power-oriented) explanation of revolutions, after clarifying its central concept- namely "revolutionary situation"- through cross-cutting of three main theoretical standpoints and two principal types of explanations, we attempted to introduce six important explanation perspectives of such explanations. Then, after remarking the three levels of analysis, we separately introduced the main variables of each explanation. Finally, we mapped their schema in detail and synoptically.

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Today’s study of the common effect condition on color revolution in target countries is one of the important issues on political sociology. In this paper, we used the John Stewart Mill’s method for finding the common cause factors. These factors are social movement, civil institutions, political culutres in societies, structures, national and international situation of government and hegemony power inventing. They have an important role in the of achievement color revolution. In this paper, we used new social movement theories, mass public behavioral theories and revolution theories through comparative analysis of the most important factors in color revolution on target countries. Then we compared the same factors in the condition of Iranian society. The results indicated that Iranian society suffers for the following: miss trust, lock of team work behavior, weakness of civil institutions development, incomplete modernization expeperience, and lack of preparedness for accepting the structural changes. Also, due to lack of strong opposition power and other factors, the probability of color revolution in Iran is very weak.

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The discourse of the resistance of the Islamic Revolution, in addition to having a great impact on the political, social and cultural system of Iran, has been very influential beyond its borders and has been an inspiration for Muslim movements in different countries, including Nigeria. In the last few decades, Nigeria, as one of the important countries in Africa, has been the platform for the formation of the Islamic movement and the expansion of Shiism, and now the population of several million Shiites in Nigeria has turned this country into one of the centers of Shiism.Based on this, the present research has analyzed the impact of the discourse of Islamic revolution resistance on the Islamic movement in Nigeria by using the discourse theory of Lakla and Mofe and using explanatory-analytical method.The findings of the research showed that the discourse of resistance after the victory of the revolution, with the systematization of the Islamic discourse, from a discourse marginalized by the discourse of domination, has become an active discourse in the text of domestic and international policies, and with negation. The hegemony of the domination system and the lack of compromise with it has created a new articulation, which at the end of this articulation has defined a model of resistance against the domination system. This model of resistance, with an emphasis on political Islam, anti-arrogance and anti-Westernism,in addition to reviving the identity of Shiites in Nigeria, has also influenced the formation and expansion of the Islamic movement in this country.

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In this work, the conceptual evolution of the term of "revolution"is discussed as a narrative history and historical method. Revolution is a complicated and, multidimensional concept and has a long history in literature, philosophy and other sciences such as astronomy (Yoder, 1926: 433). The aim of this paper is historical – conceptual searching about the term "revolution" that was started with this supposition that, it refers to social, political and economic transformation. In other words, the term of "revolution" in pre-modern literature has a retrogressive meaning, or referring back to the starting point. It has found its way philosophy, literature and the humanities into from astronomy

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This article seeks to use the descriptive-analytical method and relying on the definitions of social modernism to address the issue of social innovation in the poetry of the two poets and what are the similarities and differences in each of the topics? The analysis of Baroudi's poetry suggests that he is taking advantage of the sophisticated taste as well as following the critics of the West to the affairs of the people and to correct the defects in society. Like Farrokhi Yazdi, he addresses issues such as central justice, homeland, despondency, attention to poverty, opposition to oppression and oppression, and invitation to studying science as one of the most important subjects of his poetry. The most important aspect of Baroudi's and Farrokhi's poetry's differences is that Farrokhi, as a responsible critic, deals more with the community and related issues, but in Baroudi's poetry, he makes imitation of modernization. However, with the advent of the Arab movement and the issue of exile, it is twisted within it and pursues a sharp eye and a sharp sensitivity to the social problems of its country.

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Revolutionary regimes have different nature and appear in various forms. In some circumstances, the revolutions make military, party and individual dictatorship. In some situations, they provide democratic regimes. Therefore, the revolutions, as an agent, do not make democratic or authoritarian régime. Social, economic and cultural conditions of the society (political ideology) and the type of toppled regime will determine the nature of the revolutionary regime. The Islamic Republic in Iran, as a revolutionary regime, cannot be explained by the theory of democratization and secularization. The formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran requires another explanation. In viwe of democratization and secularization process, the government of faghieh and, Islamic nature are problems. The nature of revolutionary regime is depended on various factors such as: international structure, the nature of the toppled regime, structure of power, civil society and political culture. According to this article, theory of political culture (the diminished political ideology) seeks to clarify this issue in the first decade of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1978 - 1988). The Method used in this study is the strategies of case study. The results showed that, the type of political ideology of leaders and elites could partly explain the problem. The ideology of the political leaders and elites established Islamism system. Also the Islamic Republican ideology of Imam Khomein (Rah) and representatives of Assembly of Experts make Republicanism system.

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One of the most important factors in the economic development of countries is the growth of the foreign sector of the international economy and trade. In other words, having extensive trade exchanges is one of the main factors of the economic growth of countries. In this regard, one of the new topics in the field of organizations is the application of the concepts of digitalization and information technology in the management of service and production organizations which take place in the fourth industrial revolution. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the current situation of Iran's customs in terms of the components of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The current study is applied research because in addition to the scientific aspect, it will also have a practical aspect for companies and organizations, especially customs. In terms of method, the present study is quantitative research examining the current situation, the obtained data are classified into seven main categories: Utilization of modern technologies, facilities and infrastructure, cooperation and interaction, policies and laws, management and planning, international and external factors and the structure of the organization. The results showed that the current situation of customs has been favorable in terms of the components of the fourth industrial revolution.

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Revolution is one of the great social developments, the effects of which are very tangible and very effective in changing the political arrangement of the public space of societies. The main purpose of this study is a comparative study of the position of leadership in the classic revolutions and protest movements in the Middle East and North Africa called the Arab Spring with emphasis on the role of leadership. This article question is that “what is the difference between the classic revolutions and the recent uprisings of the Islamic-Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa in terms of the role of leadership in their formation and leadership?” The present study, which is descriptive-analytic in nature and the required data and information are collected in a library method using the teachings of revolutionary theories and political mobilization, as well as the teachings of charismatic leadership in Max Weber's views, is based on this hypothesis that due to the lack of a leadership component, the protest movements in the Middle East and North Africa could not be as effective in the political planning of their surrounding space as in the classic revolutions. The findings also show that the leadership model is an important and decisive element in the success and failure of a revolution, and the multiplicity of leadership, the weak social base of leaders, the instability of the leadership and their different interpretations in protest movements in the Middle East and North Africa have only led to crisis and constant instability in the political space of the countries involved.

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Before the Islamic Revolution in Iran, different groups and parties strived to overthrow the Pahlavi regime. To realign the people and elites in the society with them, they had to present their rationale behind thetheircertainaty about rom he objective conditions. Regime, however, rejection of the existing regime and the desirable condition following that as well as to show the way to achieve that promised society. Each active group or party at the time drew on their contemporary schools and theories for offering the reason of the rejection of the existent condition and the way to achieve the ideal one. Among them were some parties, who put their analysis of the socio-political conditions on the basis of Marxist ideology or campaigned against the Pahlavi regime building on this ideology. Such parties included the Tudeh Party, FadaeeKhalgh guerrillas and Mujahedeen-e-Khalgh guerrillas. The Tudeh Party labeled this regime as totalitarian and based on the American imperialism. Consequently, it requested the replacement of this regime with a national one. This party regarded revolution as the best way to overthrow the regime; however, they believed that preparing the population’s mentality for revolution required political and cultural actions. The Fadaee guerrillas used this same argument against the Pahlavi regime but they believed that the alternative government must be established under the leadership of a leading Labor Party. The Fadaee guerrillas too saw revolution as the only way to the ideal condition but, unlike the Tudeh Party, they believed in guerrilla war as a way to prepare the people. The Mujahedeen-e-Khalgh developed the same argument to oppose the Pahlavi regime but, unlike the two other they regarded the mindset as already prepared for revolution apart from their certainty about the objective conditions.  According to the Mujahedeen organization, the only reason behind the defeat of the campaign was lack of organization to lead the populations, a vacuum that must be filled by the parties. For Mujahedeen, the ideal society was a classless and monotheist one.

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 Domination of thetraditionaldiscoursein Qajar era created the discoursesandsubdiscourses amongdifferent groupsof society that emerged as resistance against traditional discourse. Amongthese sub discourseswere sub discourses ofthe womenthatcamein the shadowof somediscourses. The purpose of this paper is to analyze women’s resistance sub discourses, their challenges and interactions from a sociological standpoint through studying their writings and publications in Qajar era. In this study we aim to address the following questions:What topics were the women concerned with regarding the rethinking of their situation during the Qajar era? To what categories and sub-discourses they belong and what ideologies govern their discourses?In succeeding the official discourse of the Qajar era what positions did they achieve? The analysisof women’s sub-discourses show that radical sub-discourse aims to createfundamentalchanges, while the moderate sub-discourse follows the available demands.    

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The present study titled "the effects of social and economic modernization on the occurrence of the Constitutional Revoloution in Iran" seeks to present the economical and social innovation achieved during Qajar period and also discusses the role and effects of these innovations in encouraging Iranian people for political participation and overthrowing Qajar dynasty. this study shows that the innovations occurred during Qajar period caused changes on old customs and introduced modernism and new styles of social life.  It also, taught new concepts like freedom and law to the Iranian people. Struggling to achieve the above goals and to protect the country, the people decided to become united. By establishing the parliament, they limited the power of the monarchy and made a way for people to participate in governing their country. Today this unity and interference is called political participation.  The method of this research is historical comparative and the method of data gathering is library and documentary.  

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Shahnameh position experienced many ups and downs in last century among the people. During the Reza Shah this literary text used as a supporter for his nationalist policies. They took some of patriotically verses to promote a sense of nationalism among people. Aalso during the second Pahlavi Shahnameh used to showcase the grandeur of ancient Iran and its traditions for other countries and civilizations. Nearly can be said they took advantage of Shahnameh in all national celebrations and festivals. For this reason, people from the people that were not aware of the Shahnameh truth were away from the Shahnameh gradually. They also saw the Shahnameh as one of the royal Instruments and should be considered outcasts.
On the other hand, replacing rreligious ideas instead of nationalist ideas as well as migration of some eminent researchers of Shahnameh Led the literary text is more unkindly. In this study, we will discuss this issues.

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The first political story after the Islamic Revolution of Iran is probably Sellul-e hejdah by Darvishiyan. The work mirrors the author’s memories of the prison and ideological armed struggles. In addition, this text is the first story by the author after victory of the Islamic Revolution and can be considered as the first political story after the revolution. A study of the various levels of this story shows that Sellul-e hejdah, in spite of being a memoir, is one of the best examples of political fiction. The dominant radical discourse of the 80s [1360s] manifests the confrontation of four different generations.The first generation includes those conservatives who are traditional and religious and are unable to confront the dominant discourse.The second generation includes those conservatives who are not happy with the political decadence but prefer to maintain the situation.The third group relates to those radical freedom fighters that are not satisfied with the status quo and suffer from discrimination and tend to change the society.Finally, the fourth generation includes descendants of the revolutionaries who have little knowledge of the revolution and yet their lives are tied to it.

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This paper examines the characteristics and vulnerabilities of the second Pahlavi and its role in the revolutionary mobilization. The main question of the paper is that: what are the characteristics and vulnerabilities of the Shah's government that led to the revolutionary mobilization? To answer this question, document analysis has been used that is a kind of qualitative research. By this method, documents including books, articles and dissertations have been investigated. Therefore, in this paper, the combination of state–centric theories including the theories of independence of state, capabilities of state, political opportunities of state, and construction of state were used to develop a model to explain the status of the Pahlavi state and also its vulnerabilities, and also its relation to revolutionary mobilization. The findings showed that the most important vulnerabilities of Pahlavi state include independence of the Pahlavi rentire state from the social classes, discapabilities of the state in policy making, bureaucratic weakness of the state institutions, state monopolies, and vulnerabilities resulting from modernization, and roforms, which in combination with each other led to the revolutionary mobilization.

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Introduction
Regional planning as an interesting and very important topic in the planning system of many countries around the world, is in the middle position of the planning hierarchy; It may sometimes be placed in a wrong position, which is often created under the pressure of powerful national and local elements of the planning system. In this way, its position is sometimes declining and sometimes growing. But what has drawn attention over time is the enduring nature and existential nature of this issue, which, like many other issues require this level of intervention. Therefore, it is believed that due to the increasing problems and challenges of today's society, there is a greater need for regional planning. Based on the studies done, balanced and sustainable development has been one of the main goals of the country for a long time. So that, with fluctuations, attention has been given to the category of "regional development" in the policies and development planning before and after the Islamic revolution, and in a sense, they have been among the components that the analysis of their effects on the face of the national system is very important at the level of micro-lawyers.
Methodology
The research method is descriptive-analytic, and library resources such as first-class sources, case-oriented articles and researches, and documents and documents available in the program and budget organization are used; Specifically, inferential methodology should be used to understand and explain the place of "regional planning and development" in the development programs before and after the revolution, and the possibility of comparison between them should be provided.
Research findings
What has attracted attention over time is the enduring nature and existential nature of this issue, which, like many other issues, requires this level of intervention. Therefore, it is believed that due to the increasing problems and challenges of today's society, there is a greater need for regional planning. Also, based on the field of regional perspective in development plans, it can be said that with regard to the general missions of land development and regional development in providing spatial justice in regions and creating equal and fair opportunities, access to resources, services and development achievements for all and in line with the implementation of the general policies of resistance economy and in order to creating a balance and benefiting the regions and provinces from facilities and improving their ability and flexibility against all kinds of environmental and external threats, competitive advantages must be created in the provinces and their relative advantages should be used optimally. Since, industrial investment in less developed areas should be promoted, the links between the border territories with the interior of the country should be strengthened, and in line with the national and trans-national role determined for the regions and provinces of the country, the role of medium and small cities should be strengthened, and also the metropolises should maintain their role, but decentralizing their national policy making is vital.
Conclusions
It can be seen that regional planning is a matter of interest and very important in the planning system of many countries around the world, since it is in the middle position in the planning hierarchy; It may sometimes be placed in a wrong position, which is often created under the pressure of powerful national and local elements of the planning system. In this way, its position is sometimes declining and sometimes growing. But what has drawn attention over time is the enduring nature and existential nature of this issue, which like many other issues require this level of intervention. Therefore, it is believed that due to the increasing problems and challenges of today's society, there is a greater need for regional planning. As can the current research findings shows, the failure of regional development planning and the division of spatial work with intensity and weaknesses in the programs before and after the revolution, causes the increase and widening of the areas of inequality between different regions. In general, fluctuations in the concept and function of regional planning in Iran is rooted in the country's structural obstacles both before and after the revolution. The ever-increasing centralization structure and the dominance of the planning procedure from top to bottom, departmental approach in planning, ambiguity in the legal status and executive guarantee of regional planning, lack of belief in planning and lack of planning culture and planability at different levels. The country's management, the lack of necessary and desirable platforms in order to attract the participation of the people and the private sector, the lack of organization in the regional Echelon, the non-compliance of plans with the existing realities, the non-compliance of upstream documents, the dominance of the abstract aspect on the plans and the like are among the main obstacles in the way of the development of regional planning in Iran

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The Islamic Revolution of Iran triumphed in 1978. Several groups were able to take the rule. The Imperial Army was one of the groups that dominated the tense situation at that time. But what happened, It declared its neutrality in the conflict of the revolution. Due  to inconsistency in the policy of repression and compromise the king's army was defeated. According to the author, the composition of policies dealing with the revolutionaries led to the collapse of the repressive apparatus. Inconsistency in repression and compromise strategy was an essential factor in the regime's repressive apparatus disability. On the one hand, This strategy led to the freedom of political prisoners. Then the regime could not arrest the opponents. On the other hand, the compromise of the regime led to the arrest of suppressive forces and dissolution of SAVAK. Finally, such policies led to the difference between military commanders to control and suppress the revolutionaries, and loss of balance of forces.  

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In this paper, to test the theory of Honneth, historical methods and analysis technique were used. The analysis of socio-economic forces during the 40s and 50 in the Islamic Revolution of Iran showed that Shah failed in the modernization program involved: secularism, nationalism and capitalism. Along with feeling humiliated, mis-recognition, denial and injustice by some social forces, established a major change in the approach to policy seminary. Clergymen showed a tendency to transformed orientation, and different social classes were mobilized against the regime. They felt humiliatly because of the modernization project. Because of the regime’s emphasis on nationalism, political parties and different urban middle classes including academics, writers and intellectuals felt mis- recocgnition. All of these resons led to increasing the motivation of clergymen to join the revelution. But also the economic forces played a effective role to the victory of the Islamic Revolut­ion in Iran. Traditional merchants, immigrants and poor people were the losers of the modernization project. Capitalism was unfaid and detrimental to them.They also joined the coalition. Based on these results, the recognition is one of the main causes of masses, mobalization against the regime.    

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Since the beginning of emergence of Pakistan as an independent country, the conflict about Islamic state had begun between the secular and religious groups. “What is the role of Islam in the government?” was the question that Pakistan was facing in the last decades of 20^th century. In response to the question, Muslim scholars proposed two answers: the first group suppose that Islam is equal to government and second group believe that the government in Islam has only one dimension and other dimensions of Islam are much more important than political dimension. .Ghamidi with passing from the first approach, that was evident in the opinions of Maududi and he was the chief spokesperson, placed his interpretation of Islam, Qur'an and Sunnah based on the second approach. From view of Ghamidi, politically Islamic society establishment is precedence over the Islamic government. This society is possible through an Islamic Revolution and Revolution will pave the way for an Islamic state. The Islamic state is combination of three groups: Muslims, Mu`ahids and Zimmis. Such a state based on pluralism in religion and politics.  

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Iran revelution is a cultural and thinking event. we try here reply this question that what it is usese and capacities of discourses analysis relation to others approach (hermenutics and idieologic analysis) in study about iran revelution? here, at ferst we explain the problem then comprise discourses analysis with others approach (hermenutics and idieologic analysis) in study about think of Iran revelution 1n 1357. then, we present outcom and output . we perefer use of of discourses analysis relation to hermenutics approach because discourses analysis cover better power- knoledge and power-truth. so,discourses analysis go away from comprehention. this text believse that discourses analysis comprison with idieologic analysis can explain culthral and thinking dimension of Iran revelution. discourses analysis openes diffrence and new perspectives to this revelution. for example, in study about unpolitical thinkers and thinking elite, diversity and plural in revelution. or in study about think of Iran revelituion from ontologial historical view.