There have been numerous studies conducted in urban studies dealing with the issue of pedestrians’ collective life. However, there is a dramatic scarcity of the research on bicycling, most of which have focused on the subjects of traffic engineering, urban planning, policies and health. Few studies have taken the subjects of social sciences and urban anthropology. In addition, the majority of research on cycling have produced a largely quantitative methodological tool kit. The studies which are based on quantitative and positivistic approaches, have exclusively dealt with the contextual-spatial responses of the cyclists, including the design of the routes, the physical features, and so forth. The study of the lived experience of the cyclists in cities has been, therefore, essentially neglected. The present study, as a qualitative research, relies on auto-ethnography, to investigate the lived experience of the author, in the city of Tehran (as a car-dominated city). The current research paper illustrates the lived experience of cycling in Tehran under six primary topics (Represented Space versus Spatial Representations, Personalized City versus External Urban Network; Roaming on the Saddle; I Pedal, Therefore I Am; Triangle Phenomenon; Power Space and Spatial Resistances). The research concepts are elicited from my auto-ethnographical essays by implementing four existential life worlds: lived space (spatiality), lived body (corporeality), lived time (temporality), and lived relations (relationally).

Autoethnography is an emerging approach in ethnography which falls under the qualitative methodology and interpretive paradigm. Although this approach has been used in various fields of study in recent years and is expanding to other disciplines, it has been very limited in urban studies. Today's cities are diverse subcultures mosaic of which researchers in this field can use to understand the deep layers through their lived experience. This study mainly aims to describe the major features of this approach and subsequently to link it with the field of urban studies to culturally understand the urban contexts. Accordingly, to understand the philosophical, epistemological and methodological principles of auto ethnography library research and documentary analysis has been used and for the application of auto ethnography in urban studies a field study has been conducted and urban auto ethnography is then explained at the intersection of four main turn ("cultural" turn, "narrative" turn, "spatial" turn and "auto" turn). Cultural diversity in Iranian cities and the need for a deep and indigenous understanding of its inherent characteristics among actors who experience it directly adds further importance to the application of urban autoethnography in research in this area.

Aims: The purpose of this study was to investigate the lived experience of pain metaphors in cancer patients.
Method and Materials: The method of this study was qualitative with hermeneutic phenomenological approach. The study population included all cancer patients in Tehran in 2021-2022 who experienced pain from cancer and its treatment. According to the theoretical saturation rule, 20 cancer patients in stages 2 and 3 of the cancer were selected by purposive method and interviewed in-depth and semi-structured manner. The interview lasted from 40 to 90 minutes. The time and place of the interviews were determined by the participants. Questions with a general question as to what you analogized your experience with cancer and its treatments. After each interview and recording it, the content of the interview was written in fully. The extracted data were analyzed using the method of hermeneutic analysis of Diekelmann et al. (1989).
Findings: According to interpretive hermeneutic analysis; lived experiences of pain in cancer patients are 4 main themes including; the metaphor of lived war, the metaphor of lived scheduled pain cage, the metaphor of living in dark future with pain and the metaphor of lived with overload pain.  
Conclusion: To conclude, metaphors have important role in pain expressions. Researchers suggest cognitive therapies to change metaphors of pain.

Annually, a good number of Iranian students who have completed their undergraduate studies in non-English-related majors apply and enroll in Master’s level Teaching English as a Foreign Language (TEFL) programs. Although evaluating MA TEFL program in Iran from university instructors’ and students’ perspectives has so far been the subject of several studies, the experiences and views of these TEFL major-changers have not been duly explored. To address the existing gap, in this qualitative research, the experiences of major-changers studying TEFL at MA level in three state universities in Tehran have been investigated. Besides, six TEFL university instructors were asked to share their perspectives concerning major-changers attending MA TEFL programs. In the main, the findings revealed that motives like interest in pursuing an English teaching career rather than a job related to their former major; gaining the required competency through attending crash courses held by university exam preparatory institutes; facing challenges in acquiring the specialized discourse of the community; and witnessing realities which ran counter to their prior supposition, as discussed by the major-changers and the instructors, formed part of the lived experiences and views of these major-changers.

The purpose of this research is to study the situation of kinship and ethnic connections of Lak immigrants living in Nezam-Abad neighborhood of Tehran using an interpretive phenomenology method. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 21 participants and analyzed using Colaizzi seven-step method, resulting in nine sub-categories and one core category. The subcategories included a predominance of endogamy, generational difference, sense of social and place belonging, continuity of relationships with the birthplace, continuity of relationships with neighbors, simplification of communication, limited interactions, adherence to local ethnic customs, and maintenance of solidarity. The core category was "effort to maintain neighborhood and hometown connections". First-generation migrants, in particular, expressed a strong desire and emphasis on maintaining interactions and relationships with Laks residing in Nezamabad neighborhood and with relatives in Kuhdasht county. They demonstrated their sense of belonging to their birthplace in various ways. Given the tangible difference in the socialization experiences of first-generation and subsequent generations of migrants, traditional sources of identification may be subject to rethinking. Consequently, their connections and relationships with each other and with their homeland may change, and perhaps the actions and behaviors of subsequent generations will align more homogeny with the dominant culture of the host society. Their sense of belonging and commitment to the components of their ethnic origin culture may take on a more symbolic form.
Research Background
The extensive migration to Tehran has led to an increase in cultural and ethnic diversity and mixing within the city, highlighting the importance of researching the cultural identity of migrant groups. Among the migrants in Tehran, a significant number belong to the Lak ethnic group. In Iran, limited studies have been conducted on kinship networks and hometown associations in recent years. For instance, Ghasemi and Mahmoudian (2013) demonstrated that most migrants, prior to migration, had pre-existing social networks, particularly kinship, family, friendship, and neighborhood networks in their potential destinations. Rostamalizadeh (2015) also identified the main functions of hometown associations as maintaining connections among members, maintaining cultural identity, and assisting fellow townspeople both in Tehran and in their hometowns. Alimandgari and colleagues (2022) demonstrated that migration networks played a significant role in individuals' decisions to migrate. It can be said that few studies have specifically focused on the lived experiences of migrants (internal migration) from a particular ethnic group, particularly in terms of their kinship and ethnic relations.

Goals, questions, and assumptions
This study aims to determine if kinship and ethnic relationships among Lak migrants and with their ancestral homeland have been lost or if they continue to be a significant part of their identity, have evolved with new dimensions. However, the following research questions were raised:
1. What experience do first and second-generation migrants have of kinship and ethnic relations?
2. If these relationships have undergone rethinking and change, how do migrants perceive and interpret these changes?
Studying these cases can help understand the processes of collective identity change, acculturation, identification, and inform cultural and social policymaking.

Main discussion
After analyzing the data, nine sub-categories and one core category titled "Efforts to Maintain Neighborhood and Hometown connections" were identified. As social agents, migrants are compelled to interact with their new environment and gradually rethink some of their ethnic and cultural identity-forming resources. First-generation migrants, in particular, expressed a strong desire and emphasis on maintaining interactions and relationships with Lak residing in Nezamabad neighborhood and with relatives in Kuhdasht County. Current generations of migrants, despite their similarities with the host society, emphasize their differences from other ethnic groups, this emphasis does not necessarily imply a lack of commonalities with the host or other ethnic and cultural groups. Rather, they selectively highlight minor cultural features as 'symbols and signs of difference' to distinguish themselves from other ethnic and cultural groups. Due to the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, future generations may significantly reduce their interactions and kinship and ethnic connections with their fellow homeland residing in Tehran and their paternal birthplace. However, they might still maintain a sense of belonging to the Lak culture and their paternal homeland, expressing it through alternative, real or symbolic means, a phenomenon Gans (1979) called 'symbolic ethnicity'.

Conclusion
Immigrants cannot solely rely on traditional and ethnic components to survive in the multicultural environment of the host society. While rethinking their cultural-ethnic components, they still strive to maintain their kinship and ethnic relations. The depth and extent of Rethinking vary across different levels and components of ethnic identity. Moreover, this process does not necessarily imply a desire to assimilate into the host society's culture at all times. Given the tangible differences in socialization experiences across generations, traditional sources of identification may be subject to Rethinking. Consequently, their connections and relationships with each other and with their homeland may change, and perhaps the actions and behaviors of subsequent generations will align more homogeny with the dominant culture of the host society. Their sense of belonging and commitment to the components of their ethnic origin culture may take on a more symbolic form.
 

Lived experience is a broad, controversial, and sometimes ambiguous term that has been used by researchers in various fields of study. While there are occasional references to this concept in literary studies, it has not yet been seriously considered by researchers. The study of lived experience and its role in the process of literary creativity is very important in explaining poetic concepts; for it is a way to better understand poetry and, moreover, can provide a criterion for examining the success or failure of a poem or literary period; moreover, the shared experience of the reader and the poet can help to better understand poetry, paving the way for reader-centered criticism from the perspective of lived experience. In this study, an attempt was made to explain the concept of experience through the Lived analytical-critical method and its modes. Then, to better understand the role of lived experience in the process of literary creativity, a systematic model for it should be defined and drawn. In this context, lived experience is divided into types such as personal lived experience, specific lived experience, and general lived experience, each of which has subcategories. The findings of this study not only explain the concept of lived experience and its role in the process of literary creativity, but also show that lived experience is one of the basic elements of literary works, especially poetry, which can contribute to the understanding of the existence of poetry, its formation, the sources of inspiration of poets, etc.
Extended Abstract
Introduction
Lived experience is one of the important and fundamental concepts used in most fields of human sciences. However, in the researches related to literature, this topic has not been treated as expected. Consideration of literary works reveals that we enjoy works of art in part because of shared life experiences. This is because poets and artists portray experiences that audiences can easily identify with when reading. People share many common experiences because of the similarities they have with each other in lifestyles, social, historical, and cultural situations. But sometimes these experiences are so interwoven with life that we can recognize them but they do not catch our attention. Now, when a poet or writer uses the same common lived experience in his poem or writing, he not only draws our attention to that aspect of life and the experiences we have had, but he approaches us intelligently like a psychologist, and that makes the poet and his poetry successful; because when we read that poem, we feel that the poet has penetrated deep into our soul and is speaking from our heart and language; that is why we identify with him. Thus, since, in Hillman's words, "there are correlations between the life and poetry of any poet" (Hillman, 2016: 2), this article attempts to lay out a plan and model for the study of poetry by examining the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of lived experience.
Research background
Lived experience is a broad concept that can be applied in most areas of the humanities. For this reason, this concept is widely used in the fields of psychology, sociology, and philosophy, and researchers in these fields have written many articles with this title. In literary studies, however, the discussion of lived experience has not been explored as it should be. A search of various reference databases reveals that there are very few sources on lived experience in literary works. One of the most important books dealing with lived experience is Wilhelm Dilthey's Poetry and Experience. Among the books of Iranian researchers as far as the authors have researched, there were sometimes references to the role of experience in the creation of literary works, but only Ghodrat Allah Taheri has attempted to study the experiences in the life of Maulavi and their reflection in Masnavi in the book revayat-e ser-e delbaran [in Persian] (Study of the Life of Maulavi and Historical Experiences in Masnavi). In general, no serious work has been written to explain the theoretical basis of lived experience. Considering the importance of this concept in the process of literary creation and the achievements it can bring to the practical criticism of literary works, a comprehensive research in this field seems necessary.
3. Discussion
In order to understand the role of lived experience in the process of literary creativity in more detail, it is necessary to examine it in a systematic pattern. In this context, we have divided lived experience into types such as personal lived experience, specific lived experience, and general lived experience, each of which has subcategories, and we will examine these types further.
3.1 Personal lived experience
These experiences refer to poets who have experienced a certain problem in their lives, which is reflected in their poetry; such as the experience of divorce in the poetry of Forough Farrokhzad or the experience of prison in the poetry of Shamlou, Mahdi Akhwan sales, Hoshang Ebtahaj, etc. Generally, this kind of lived experience is autobiographical. Although this experience can also be part of special experiences; but for better delineation of the subject and because the poet or writer experienced it personally (according to the available documents), we have placed it in the category of personal experiences.
3.2 Special lived experience
This type of experience refers to the life of a specific type that may be experienced in a geographical, cultural, or circumstantial setting. In general, specific life experiences can also be divided into different categories, such as climatic lived experience, gender lived experience, physical lived experience (physical limitations), lived experiences related to social problems, cultural lived experience and so on.
3.3 General lived experience
This type of experience is not tied to any particular person or group. Everyone experiences it, regardless of gender, social, political, climatic conditions, etc. This type of experience, which can also be called lived human experience, applies beyond geographical boundaries and limitations, and it can be said that it is common to all people on earth and understandable to each of them; because he deals with them in the course of the evolution of his soul and body, and of course they are part of his experiences. physical experiences such as birth, childhood, youth, old age, death, etc., and spiritual experiences such as the human emotions; sadness, happiness, love, anxiety, etc., are such experiences. When a poet or writer (and an artist in general) speaks about such issues that are common to almost all people, in an artistic way, he touches the souls of different people and creates a work regardless of color, race, language and nationality.
4. Result
​Although the concept of "lived experience" is of great interest in philosophy, psychology, and other areas of the human sciences, it has not been studied in depth in literary studies. In this study, an attempt has been made, based on the opinions of philosophers, psychologists, and literary critics, to compile and design a plan and model for examining the basics of lived experience and studying it in poetry, so that the poetry of different literary periods can be analyzed and studied on this basis. Based on this plan, lived experiences can be divided into three general categories: 1. Personal lived experiences with subgroups such as divorce experiences, prison experiences, love experiences, etc. (which the poet personally experienced according to the available documents and which are analyzed in biographical form) 2. Specific lived experiences with subgroups such as climatic lived experiences, gender lived experiences, physical lived experiences, lived experiences related to social problems, and so on. 3. General lived experiences with subcategories such as love, grief, death, birth, and so on. Of course, other types can be added to these subcategories. But what has been discussed in the context of this article can give a perspective of the situation and the study of lived experience and be very helpful for a better understanding of the poem and its analysis. This is because, apart from the fact that the lived experience plays a very important role in the realization of the poet's artistic creativity, in the understanding, reception and interpretation of the text, it also causes the audience to accompany and identify with the literary work. The lived experience, in fact, has a double function: it helps the author to create a literary work and the audience to understand the interpretation and explanation of the literary text. Reading together and sharing experiences is what brings the poet/author and the audience closer together and determines the success of a poem.
 

  Introduction
Urban studies have often investigated phenomena through quantitative approaches. They have just studied the urban phenomena solely, and their relationships with the subjects have been discounted. That is while urban, and its phenomena usually have different layers which cannot be understood only through quantitative approaches. Because, quantitative researchers who play the most prominent role in these studies, have not experienced and understood the phenomenon and their results are often restricted to their statistical and quantitative analysis. While the deep understanding of urban phenomena and their consequences is only possible through understanding the experiences of those who have experienced and understood those phenomena for many years. The philosophical and methodological literature of understanding these experiences which is called phenomenography and the way it can be used in urban studies are the aims of the current study.
Methodology
Thus, to understand the philosophical, epistemological and methodological principles of phenomenography library research and documentary analysis has been used and for the application of phenomenography in urban studies a field study has been conducted. To do this, at first, one of the segregated neighbourhoods (Razavieh) of Tehran as the capital of Iran has been selected, and then through a phenomenographic paradigm, it has been tried to understand how residents in that neighbourhood experience segregation and how segregation has affected their quality of life. Consequently, an unstructured interview has been done by 23 of residents through a snowballing and purposeful sampling. Interviews have been recorded, and then they have been typed and finally through the phenomenographic strategy which has got seven different steps, the manuscripts have been analysed.
Results and discussion
The documentary analysis’s results indicate that qualitative research methodology and phenomenography can be considered as an indispensable methodology in urban studies because phenomenography aims to explore and describe phenomena with an emphasis on individuals’ lived experiences. With regarding the fact that phenomenographer should make friend with interviewee he/she would be able to get the sheer feeling of residents about a specific phenomenon which can help experts avoid from skin-deep decision making and face them with the reality what is usually hindered from them through quantitative methodologies. It should be taken into account that a phenomenographer usually reflects individuals’ feelings and they usually try not to make interventions while they are analysing the manuscripts.
Results which have been gathered through field study indicate that consequences which are imagined for living in a segregated neighbourhood and are usually extracted from quantitative analysis, are far beyond that we may imagine. Segregation’s consequences affect individuals’ lives through managerial, economic, social, physical and functional dimensions. In case of functional consequences, results indicate that residents’ lives are accompanied by a feeling of inequality. In case of physical features, negative consequences could be considered in three main groups which are the neighbourhood's distance from city centre, the quality of neighbourhood's landscape and urban fabrics. Social negative consequences could be divided into four main categories which are related to the impacts that living in a segregated neighbourhood has on demographics, society, households, and Individuals. In case of economic, residents’ job opportunities are affected, and it usually leads to their inability for affording their lives. Moreover, managerial consequences usually increase the distance between residents and managers which corruption and the lack of sense of belonging to the neighbourhood and its people are among the most significant ones.
Conclusion
 In general, it can be declared that reaching to a pure understanding of urban phenomena especially those which are more complex, needs investigating of residents’ lived experiences what has been considered less in recent studies not only in Iranian contexts but also in all over the world. Phenomenography which makes understanding individuals’ lives possible is one of the qualitative ways which here is suggested. It can be used for those phenomena which are complicated and are dealing with individuals. Since it studies the relationships between the phenomenon and individuals, it can provide sheer results of what is going on. It should be taken into consideration that phenomenography is different from phenomenology which is more famous among scholars. With regarding these features which were counted for phenomenography and with considering the fact that urban phenomena are thoroughly in contact with individuals; it can be understood that phenomenography could be really helpful because it considers the relationship between the phenomenon and the subject rather considering the phenomenon solely. Through using phenomenography for investigating the negative consequences of living in a segregated neighbourhood not only it has been revealed that consequences are way more than those which are extracted through quantitative analysis, but it has been understood that residents consider managerial and economic consequences as the main ones and they believe that these consequences give rise to other ones. Moreover, based on the lived experiences it has been revealed that social consequences of segregation are more profound than the rest.