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Fundamentalism is one of the most important security issues in today’s world, in a way, territoriality has drawn a large part of the world’s security literature. Over the past decade, the North African region became locality of internal crisis, regional ideological and rivalries, and intra-regional powers intervention and expansion of extremist ideas that has cost and effects on both internal, regional and international levels. In the meantime, the north of the African continent, and specially Tunisia country, has created opportunities for the growth and development of ISIL’s fundamentalist organization. The present study is a descriptive-analytical research and its data and information gathering by the library method. Hypothesis of this study based on unified Field Theory of Stephen B. Jones and belive that Territoriality of Fundamentalist Organizations in Tunisaia affected by internal factors (social crisis) and external factors (intervention powers). The result of the study showed that the fragility of the government, the geographical structure, and geopolitical integration in Tunisia, along with the political and international limitations caused territoriality of fundamentalist organization and acted as an obstacle for emerging and developing of a new political entity in this country.

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Introduction
Since the early 1970s, religious fundamentalism has become very widespread. From this time, different researchers have applied a single approach, namely the "cultural" approach to religious fundamentalism. But this approach with a one-dimensional view, in addition to hiding many angles of religious fundamentalism, has resulted in an intangible and domineering downward view. But on the other hand, the economic approach, as the approach of this article, away from issues such as identity, ideology, has focused on a more objective level, which is the economic level, and has replaced a global view with a limited and regional view.
Therefore, in this research, the flow of religious fundamentalism is investigated and studied with an economic approach, focused on the performance and role of the global economy in relation to countries. Of course, two broad views have been proposed regarding the performance of the global economy. The first point of view is called the convergence point of view, which believes that the global economy will definitely bring relative prosperity and development to the world, and the supporters of this point of view have a completely positive view of the performance of the global economy. The second point of view is known as the divergence point of view. The supporters of this point of view emphasize the inequality that the global economy creates deep economic gaps between the two parts of the world, the poor and the rich, and consequently provides the basis for religious fundamentalism. Of course, in addition to these two views, the global economy can be examined from another perspective. That is, the performance and role of the global economy are not absolutely positive or negative; rather, the performance of the world economy in different countries has different effects and results, and the indicators of the world economy, according to the type of economic and development structure of the countries, have different effects. In fact, the effects of the global economy in economically underdeveloped countries can provide the necessary platform for the formation of religious fundamentalism.
With these premises, this research seeks to show that due to the mutual dependence of economies on each other and the necessity of the convergence of the national economy in the global economic system, governments, especially weak governments in terms of economic development, have entered international markets to advance their development strategies and engaged in participation and competition, and they are forced to join other national governments and establish a new order of transnational government in order to restore power in the world; But the inappropriate entry of these governments into the global economy has led to their inability to control some of the negative results and effects in their national economy; Because in the new conditions, power is no longer concentrated in the institution of the nation state, but has been spread and transformed in the global networks of wealth and information. This new power is placed in the codes of information and in representational images, but it has moved in the direction of conflict with the dominant logic of the networked world and has been involved in defensive and offensive conflicts of resistance at individual, national and transnational levels, leading to the formation of religious fundamentalism. In other words, the process of the global economy has gained extraordinary momentum and a current with such a huge scope has had many effects in various societies, especially underdeveloped societies, and has provided many reactions, such as the growth of religious fundamentalist currents. For this purpose, this research seeks to investigate religious fundamentalism in Egypt by focusing on the economic approach because, so far, previous research and sources have used the cultural approach to investigate religious fundamentalism in Egypt and by focusing on issues such as identity, nationality, etc. have investigated this issue. But with a global view, this thesis deals with the more objective level of life, which is the economic level. What effect has the global economy had on the establishment of religious fundamentalism in Egypt between the years (1974-1985)?
Methodology
This research has used the descriptive-analytical method and library sources to investigate this issue.
Results
The findings showed that the performance of the world economy in relation to Egypt's economic development had a destructive aspect and became a platform for the formation of religious fundamentalism. In fact, Egypt, which did not have a legitimate and developmental national government until the 1970s, was involved in internal conflicts, economic instability, and class divisions. In such a situation, the national government of Egypt enters the world economy under the title of opening policy to improve its status, but it becomes weaker than in the past because the indicators of the global economy, on the one hand, lead to the decline of the legitimacy and authority of the government and, on the other hand, lead to the disillusionment and dissatisfaction of the people with the economic situation of their country, which consequently provides a suitable platform for the presence and expansion of religious fundamentalism.

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The aim of this paper is to understand youth representation in popular cinema after the Islamic Revolution with comparison of two periods of reform (1997 - 2005) and fundamentalism (2005 – 2010). To achieve this goal, the advent of cinema, popular cinema and cinema as a mass communication has been studied. In the following, the theories of representation, semiotic, Stuart Hall's coding theory, and theories of young people would be discussed. Finally, a conceptual framework is presented based on the representation theory and Hebdige's view about the representation of youth. Semiotics is the method of the present paper that is based on Selby and Cowberry’s patterns for analysis of the technical codes, and the patterns validity and semiotics of Barth for analysis of cultural codes. By focusing on these patterns, the three movies from Reform period (Under the City's Skin & Party & Me, Taraneh, I Am Taraneh, I Am Fifteen Years Old) and three movies from Fundamentalism period (Tambourine & About Elly & Pay Back) have been chosen purposefully to be studied and analyzed. In addition, at the end of every chosen scene from these movies, we explain for more understanding by using the considerate codes of Fiske. The results indicated that popular films (the movies with top selling) at these two periods are representing the different vision of young people. In each of these two periods, the conflicting references have been seen to word the young people. At the Reform period, young people have been shown by some concepts like "adherence to the structure", "hope for the future", "self-confidentce", "audacity", "accountability", "idealism", "law-abiding", and "democracy and freedom". In opposite, at the Fundamentalism period, young people have been represented as "anarchist", "show-off", "no Identity", "antisocial", "confused between tradition and Modernity", "lawbreaker", and "risk-taker". Therefore, we can say that about the representation of young people at the Fundamentalism period, kinds of media panic in the popular cinema have been exposed.  

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This article begins with the presupposition that the idea of the Islamic Revolution was born in historical social context and intellectual and political currents 20s, so the problem, it is that How did the religious, intellectual and political in this decade? Which has provided social and historical context for the sociological phenomenon as the revolution.
In order to obtain ideas of the Islamic Revolution in separate thematic analysis of leader and elites Islamic Revolution thought and in this study whit the searching the religious, intellectual and political situation in 20s, achieved this result that Revolutionary thought is closer to one of the intellectual and political currents of the decade.
Whereof four major currents of thought and political had social life in the that tract  free space, after a brief mention of the status of that tract, will be discussed, to recognize these trends, but where of 57 Iran’s revolution have give Islamic indicating, most the focus of this article is to understand the ideas of the two branches of political Islamism, the religious fundamentalism and religious modernism in the 1320s. the religious fundamentalism is current that in the religious knowledge sees no need to change and is trying to extract answers all the questions and needs of modernity from religion in the from of pre-existing, not with a new understanding of religion, and religious modernism that includes a wide range, is trying to respond modernity to new understanding of religion that it leads to changes in religious knowledge in this paper is discussed in detail to the stream.

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The disappearance of bipolar system following the disintegration of the Soviet :union:, has also changed many strategic concepts. Central Asia, as a part of the Soviet empire, has become an arena for regional and global challenges after these transformations. The region, already faced with various political, economic, social and cultural problems, soon became a location for the activities of Islamic fundamentalists, which in turn intensified regional crisis. Different socio-political problems made the ground for these activities. The basic question of this paper is: What is the role of NATO enlargement and its effects on security provision in Central Asia? This paper tries to answer that, “what role can NATO play in Central Asia in order to provide security in this region specially after September 11th and the following events”. Based on current security issues in Central Asia, America has seriously emphasized on socio-economic reforms under the” Greater Middle East” framework. Central Asian leaders are obliged to control political, social and economic crisis to prevent terrorist acts and reduce public dissatisfaction. Political transformations following the Soviet :union: collapse have clearly revealed that the roots of threat and instability in Central Asia are essentially internal. Sooner or later, leaders of these states have to resolve these threats, based on a clear understanding of regional sociopolitical realities.

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Abstract
9/11 attacks has turned “fundamentalism” to one of the most used words in the media, and among intellectuals around the world, especially in the West. Many books have been written to investigate the probable reasons of the emergence of the phenomenon. Literature, and specifically fiction, has also abundantly contributed to the discussions about fundamentalism. Mohsin Hamid, the well-known Pakistani writer, in his novel The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007) treated fundamentalism from a new perspective. The present article will first discuss the famous theoretical books written about fundamentalism, then  through applying them to The Reluctant Fundamentalist, will try to suggest the ways Hamid has meaningfully contributed to the discussion. The article will try to show that how The Reluctant Fundamentalist has challenged both the public, state, and even the elite views about fundamentalism and especially “Islamic fundamentalism.
Key Words:
Fundamentalism, appropriation, golden age, The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Mohsin Hamid